THE ANTI-ABORTION LAW IN POLAND

THE FUNCTIONING, SOCIAL EFFECTS, ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIORS

THE REPORT - SEPTEMBER 2000

1. Index
2. Introduction - Wanda Nowicka
3. The Effects of The Anti-Abortion Act
4. Attitudes of The Medical Professionalists Towards Abortion The Report on Research of The Effects of The Family Planning, Protection of Human Fetus and Conditions for Termination of Pregnancy Act - Danuta Duch
5. Survey Conducted by The Federation Among Doctors, Nurses and Midwives on The Effects of The Anti-Abortion Act - Wanda Nowicka and Agata Zielińska
6. Attitudes of Rural Women Toward Reproduction Issues Report on The Survey Conducted by RUN - Magdalena Grabowska and Wanda Nowicka
7. Abortion and Values – The Research Report - Danuta Duch

Attitudes of Rural Women Toward Reproduction Issues Report on The Survey Conducted by Run
-Magdalena Grabowska and Wanda Nowicka

The following report presents the analysis of research results, conducted by the company RUN between Aug. 3 and Aug. 23, 1999 at the request of the Federation for Women and Family Planning.
The survey covered following problems:

• the situation of women in rural areas, in the context of the systemic changes in Poland;
• women's opinions on matters relating to reproduction, with a particular focus on family planning, contraception, sexual education and effects of the anti-abortion regulations;
• the role of religion, churches and clergy in the reproductive behaviors of women;
• women's behaviors in a situation of unplanned pregnancy;
• the meaning and impact of state institutions, including the health care systems, and non-governmental organizations on reproductive behaviors of women living in rural areas.

The survey was conducted using a questionnaire. The authors of the survey recognized that some issues included may be seen as delicate, and this is why respondents should feel comfortable in intimate and anonymous conditions when they answer questions. The questionnaire was, therefore, completed by respondents in their homes; researchers only delivered questionnaires and picked them up when completed. This method resulted in relatively large holes in data, which were not subject to interpretation.

The structure of the group

The research was conducted on a group of 210 women, living in the areas of the former voivodships of Szczecin, Katowice and Bia�ystok. The chosen areas are very different in levels of urbanization, industrialization, and the well-being of inhabitants, as well as in terms of their customs and the culture of every day life, including family life. The choice of sites was dictated by the desire to learn about the awareness and attitudes of women living in different socio-economic and cultural conditions towards questions of fertility, and to learn about their attitudes towards reproduction in the context of the systemic changes of the political system and the functioning of the anti-abortion law.
The general information about women taking part in the research is presented in the table 1 below:

Table 1: Characteristics of respondents.

Almost all respondents are permanent inhabitants of rural areas. The vast majority did not declare the intention of moving to a town or city. The idea of moving is most common among young women.
The vast majority of respondents have primary education or vocational training. Only one in five had a secondary education, while only four of the respondents have a university degree.
In the significant majority of rural households, the monthly income per capita does not exceed 500 PLN a month (around 116 USD) and in every third family does not exceed 300 PLN (around 70 USD).
For the largest group of women included in the survey, work in their own household is their major activity (42% of respondents). 35% work outside the household, and only 6% were still studying or working and studying at the same time. More than 12% of those surveyed declared that they don't work or study at all. Most of those working outside households also have higher education or vocational training. These women's declared income per capita is two times higher than mentioned above.
The desire to get a job was declared by three-fourths of all respondents. For the majority of them, employment is attractive for financial reasons. At the same time, exactly 50% of surveyed women stated that in the last 10 years the possibilities of employment have decreased significantly. The disproportion between those who are employed and those who would like to get a job proves that the job market in rural areas is particularly poor. This disproportion, and the unusually low (in some households) monthly income per capita, are very important factors defining the particularly difficult situation of women in rural areas.
More than half of the respondents working outside the home are the mothers of two or more children. Most often, these are also older women between 35 and 44 years of age. Women who declared having no children or three or more children and in whose household live 6 or more people most often do not work outside the home.
Despite the fact that older women are the ones who work outside their households, they are also the group that can hardly count on help from their spouses. In more then 60% of households of women between 35 and 44 years of age, men very rarely or never help with household tasks. This situation is also common in families with many children. There is a difference, though, in so-called "young marriages;" in which almost 50% of respondents 18-24 years of age can count on the help from their spouses.
In rural environments, the traditional and multigenerational model of the family is still very popular. The model of the "nuclear family"- two parents and one child-is almost invisible here. Only one in five households consists of two or three people. Almost 40% of all households are inhabited by four or more people. More than 60% of those surveyed have two or more children. Older generations sometimes inhabit the homes of their son or daughter.
The average age at which women have their first child is a bit more than 21 years. 30% of women stated that their first pregnancy was not planned, which means that they didn't necessarily want to have a child at this stage of their lives. Most often this concerned women between 35 and 44 years of age, 40% of whom didn't plan the birth of their first child with their partner.
Three-fourths of surveyed women do not plan to have more children in the future. This concerned mostly women between 25 and 34 years of age, 80% of whom do not plan to have a larger family than they already have.

Women living in rural areas constitute 30% of all women in Poland, almost 6 million (including 4.5 million at a reproductive age) of the 39 million people in the whole country. Despite the fact that one in three women in Poland lives in a rural area, they are rarely distinguished as a specific group with particular living conditions, often very different from those in urban areas, both financially and socially. These women have specific characteristics and specific needs. The fact that the situation of female inhabitants of rural areas is very different from the situation of women living in urban areas is common sense, although it is very rare for politicians or social activists to focus their attention on this group. Almost never does social research consider this group different from other social groups.
Meanwhile, as the following analysis shows, female inhabitants of rural areas not only differ from other social groups, but are also one of the most neglected groups. For example, only four in 210 respondents of the survey have a university degree. The problem of a lack of education, common to all inhabitants of rural areas, is most visible among women. Statistically, men living in rural areas have higher education twice as often as women. In comparison, the general data for the country shows that women usually have at least this same level of education, and sometimes have much higher education than men.
Women living in rural areas have very low awareness of their sexual and reproductive rights. Many of them share the stereotypical thinking about a role of a woman. One-third of women inhabitants of rural areas claim that sexual contact with their spouses is an obligation of a woman, while half the respondents stated that it is an obligation to give birth to children.
This traditionalism of the Polish countryside seems to be strengthened by influences of the Catholic Church (most respondents declared themselves believers), as well as by the lack of sexual education at the level of primary school (most women from rural areas end their education at this level), and last but not least, unsatisfactory access to health care services, including reproductive health services (Most popular sources of information are: talks with partners, colleagues and neighbors, television programs and articles in the press).

Women living in rural areas do not see themselves as beneficiaries of the political and economic transition that started in 1989. More than 60% of respondents stated that in the last 10 years the situation of women did not change or has even worsened.
The improvement of the situation is noticed mostly in general, political spheres, regarding often abstract categories such as freedom, the right of women to state their own opinions, or in access to education. These views are nevertheless accompanied by an awareness of the worsening of the situation in very specific areas of private life-financial status, professional opportunities and medical care. As for professional opportunities, the fact that 35% of women are working outside their homes and another 35% would like to be employed but visibly lack opportunities shows the weakness of the job market. Professional opportunities are also limited by the lack of education of women living in the country.
Among the areas in which women see the decline of the situation, respondents pointed out:

• prices (70% of respondents pointed out the increase of prices)
• professional opportunities (50% of respondents stated that the professional opportunities are worse today than they were 10 years ago)
• financial situation of families (44% of women stated that the situation has worsened)
• health care (40% of respondents observed the decline in the quality of service of the health care system)
• living conditions (40% of women claimed that these conditions have deteriorated)

Women who took part in the survey also acknowledged some positive aspects of the transformation. As the areas where the situation has improved in the last 10 years, the respondents mentioned, among other things:

• supplies in shops (87% of respondents)
• the right of women to express their own opinions (52%)
• personal freedom (51%)
• possibilities of education for children (45.2%)
• legal protection (34.8% of respondents)

Most often, a negative assessment of the situation was made by the older part of the surveyed group. Those who have more than two children also exhibit pessimism. Positive changes are being seen mostly by respondents 25-34 years of age, those who work and study, whose households are relatively small (2-3 people) and who are relatively affluent. More than 40% of women claim that their living conditions deteriorated in the last 10 years. More than 50% also stated that their professional opportunities are worse than they were 10 years ago. The latter, pessimistic opinion is voiced mostly by older respondents, almost three-fourths of whom think that professional possibilities worsened, by women who are financially less secure and those who have 3 or more children. Optimism in this area is expressed by young women, 37% of whom stated that professional opportunities are better nowadays, and by women who are more affluent and have no children. Those who work outside their households were split as to whether professional possibilities are better than they were 10 years ago.
Most women who live in rural areas are also pessimistic when it comes to the assessment of the situation in Poland in the future. Only one in five respondents thinks that the situation of women will improve significantly in the next 10 years, when the rest of respondents foresee negative changes (almost 30%) or do not foresee any changes in the situation of women (44%). The largest number of optimists are among young women who are professionally active and have no children. Pessimism is characteristic of women who have only a basic education, do not work or study, and of those who live in households with 6 or more people.
It is very interesting that the respondents consider the fact that they have more freedom to express their own opinions than 10 years ago a positive change. This opinion is shared by more than 50% of respondents.

The attitude presented by female inhabitants of rural areas towards problems of reproductive health, sexual rights, including contraception, sexual education and abortion, must be seen as multidimensional. On the one hand, it can be easily proven that the social environment is traditional. Prejudices and stereotypes about the role of a woman and about sex are still very popular among women living in rural areas. 30% of respondents share the opinion that sexual contact is an obligation of a woman, while 46% of respondents stated that giving birth to children is an obligation. Some respondents claimed that oral contraception could only be used by married women. This opinion is most often shared by older respondents, those who are uneducated and who are less financially secure, and is far less popular among respondents fewer than 30 years of age.
On the other hand, most respondents declared knowledge about and interest in contraception and the use of contraceptive methods. Female inhabitants of rural areas approve of and use different methods of contraception, which suggests that they are open to the idea of family planning. Nevertheless, the rural social environment cannot be seen as progressive or liberal and probably will not be for many years to come.
Knowledge about contraception is gained through television, books or partners. Information about family planning is rarely provided by professionals like a gynecologist or a nurse. Women living in rural areas rarely see gynecologists for reasons other than pregnancy. The lack of awareness of the need for regular visits and rare contact with a doctor constitute a threat to reproductive health of these women. Respondents paid little attention to reliable and professional sexual education. Almost all demonstrated a lack of trust in doctors and teachers who should pass on this knowledge, although most admitted that they would like their children to be informed about effective and safe methods of contraception.
The attitude of women living in rural areas towards abortion is also not heterogeneous. The rural environment is characterized by limited knowledge about regulations of the current anti-abortion law. Simultaneously, the vast majority of respondents stated, that the law is too restrictive. Asked about their personal choices, almost all respondents stated that they would not have an abortion, but that the decision about having children should, in their opinion, belong exclusively to the parents.

As previously stated, opinions about the current situation in the health care system are divided. Some respondents (40%) stated that the situation has deteriorated, but almost this same number (37%) stated that the quality of services has improved.
Over half of the women surveyed (63.6%) claim that they are satisfied with their district medical health care centers. They do not have problems with access to specialists.
For 17% of respondents, getting to the local medical center poses significant difficulties.
Women have the most problems getting to gynecologists (20% of respondents), pediatricians (17.4%), midwives (15%) and general doctors (15%). More then 1/3 of women go to see the doctor once a year or less; this includes both young and older women. Better-educated women see their doctors more often than others.
Almost all women surveyed (94.9%) stated that they had visited a gynecologist at least once. The average age of the first gynecological visit is 22 years, which is more or less the average age of when they had their first child (the average age of the first visit is a bit higher). This proves the theory that first visits to gynecologist are associated with pregnancy.
This data indicates that pregnancy (recognized or suspected) is the most common reason for gynecological visits among this group of women. The next most common reason is health problems connected with pregnancy, such as inflammatory diseases, pains, etc. Much fewer women, less than 5% of respondents, go to the gynecologist to ask about contraception. A little more, 35%, confirm seeing the gynecologist regularly for check-ups. This is most often the case with women who are younger, childless, better educated. Check-up visits are less popular for women aged 35-44 and those having 2 or more children.
Women living in rural areas most often go to see a gynecologist who works in their district or local health care center (84.9%). Some (34.1%) use the services of the closest private gynecological clinic. Most often, these are women who work and study, without children and those with higher income per capita in their households.
A little more than 10% of women surveyed stated that they go to private gynecological clinics far from their homes. These are women from the youngest group of respondents, who have some form of higher education and declare a higher income per capita in their families.
More than 20% of respondents stated that they were familiar with cases of women, who, being afraid of visits to local doctors not being confidential, went to see doctors in medical centers far from their homes. One in three respondents claims that employees of local health care centers talk about their patients' diseases or pregnancies. The lack of trust in doctors and other medical staff being discrete, is the most probable cause for the wider lack of trust towards doctors in the most intimate areas: sexual and reproductive health.

Three-fourths of respondents have 3 children or less. More than 40% of respondents had their first child before turning 20. The same number of women states that their first pregnancy was not planned. Almost 20% of women claim that after having a first child, they did not want to have more. Over 60% of respondents did not talk about having more children with their spouses (partners). More than three-fourths of respondents do not want to have more children in the future. Only one-fourth of respondents' husbands want to have children in the future, while the rest of them do not want to have children or do not show any interest in this area. It shows that most of respondents and their husbands prefer the family model with two or three children.
Generally, conversations about pregnancy and family planning are not common. 65% of women claim to talk about these issues with their partners and friends. Women living in rural areas tend not to talk about this with their families, they are not advised by doctors or medical staff, nor by women's organizations or the church. These findings indicate that most women are made solely responsible for pregnancies.
Respondents claim that the responsibility for protection from unwanted pregnancy should lie in both partners (the answer that this is mainly, although not exclusively, women's responsibility was a little more frequent).
Generally the media, specialist publications, husbands and sometimes friends and neighbors are the main sources of information about family planning for women living in rural areas. The most well-known methods of family planning are withdrawal, the rhythm method, and condoms. These are all seen as relatively effective, even though IUDs (intra-uterine devices) and oral contraception prove to be more so.
The withdrawal method and condoms are used most often, indicating probable insufficient access to modern family planning. The choice of contraception is usually influenced by the opinion of a partner or gynecologist. Virtually none of the respondents indicated priests or religious organizations as influencing the choice.
This data may indicate the low level of awareness about methods of family planning, and /or the limited access to modern contraception. Traditional (uncertain) methods are used most often. The most powerful "educational institution" in this area seems to be a husband or a neighbor. The role of health care services is almost nonexistent.
More than 40% of women living in rural areas have met with critical opinions about the use of modern contraception. This usually comes from people connected with the Church, and less often from neighbors. Other influential social groups are not the source of negative opinions on family planning.
Women who took part in the survey stated that family planning is a topic for conversations with others. Such conversations are most popular among women 18-25 years of age (almost 80%) and these who have no or few (2) children. Almost none of the women surveyed treat the topic as a priority.
One-third of women admitted that they did not want to have their first baby in the given time. This concerns mainly women 18-24 years of age (29.2%) and women 35- 44 years of age (35.5%). Over 40% of women also admitted that they and their partners did not plan to have their first child. Young women (more than 60% of them) most often admit this.
20% of women surveyed admitted that they did not want to have another child after giving birth to the first one. At the same time, one-third of women who have 3 or more children stated that they wanted to have only 2 children.
More than three-fourths of women who took part in the survey do not want to have more children. More than 50% of young women do not want to have more children. The reluctance to have more children was most often indicated by respondents in the middle age group. More than 80% of women aged 25- 34 years declared not planning more children. These plans are rarely discussed with life partners. No more then one-third of respondents stated that they talked with their partners about having more children.
Almost three-fourths of respondents, who have more than one child, admitted talking to their life partners about another pregnancy after having their first child. Women 25-34 acknowledged this most often (81.8%). It was much more rare among older respondents; 40% of them admitted that after having the first child they did not talk to their partners about having another one.
Responses show that women talk about family planning methods most often with their life partners (67.6%), other women (54.7%), professionals: doctors or midwives (36.8%), and then lastly with other family members (27%).
Despite the fact that surveyed women claimed that their partners play a significant role in plans concerning family enlargement, the impression that they take part in family planning can be misleading. Women admitted that they rarely talk with their partners about having other children. As mentioned above, 60% of surveyed women claimed they do not broach this subject with their spouses. At the same time, 15% of them admitted not asking their partner if he wants to have more children. It seems that despite declarations about trust, men are involved in the process of family planning only to a very limited degree.
20% of respondents are not satisfied with their sexual relationships with their partners, while 25% of them would stop having sexual relations with their partner if it were up to them.

Women living in rural areas are ambivalent about sex education. Despite the fact that 90% of them stated that their daughters should be informed about problems of sexual life, and despite almost the same number stating that their daughters should use contraception, not more than 5% claimed that the information about sexual life and contraception should come from specialists. Most women claimed that the best source of information about sexual life and contraception are mothers. Only one-third of respondents said that mothers were not a good source of information.
Despite the fact that most respondents claimed that they are going to talk to their daughters about contraception in the future, no more that one-third of them have already initiated this kind of talk. This may be a result of their daughters being still very young (the age of children was not included in the research). However, women state that their daughters should find out about these matters from their mothers at the average age of 20. At this age, most of the surveyed women already expected their first child.
This paints a bad picture for the sex education of girls living in rural areas; most respondents state that sex education should be given at home, but are not initiating these conversations.

Women living in rural areas exhibit a large interest in contraception. Research shows that these women do not have personal qualms against the use of contraception or against talking about it. Only 15% did not admit the use of any method. More than 50% know that their female neighbors use contraception.
No more than 10% of respondents stated that contraception is solely a woman's responsibility. Most (78.1%) stated that this obligation is common for both partners.
Women, who took part in the survey, admitted that, in their social environment, the use of contraception is quite popular. Women living in rural areas support the use of contraception and claim that it is widely approved. 67.6% stated that contraception is not socially condemned.
The attitude towards contraception is very well illustrated in their approach to statements given in the questionnaire. More than three-fourths of respondents state that "one feels safer and more free when they use effective contraception", more than half stated that the "possibility of birth control is one of the highest achievements of man-kind." One-third of respondents also agreed that "it is better to use contraception, even if it doesn't give 100% certainty, than to have an abortion".
At the same time respondents were aware of the fact that contraception is criticized by different social groups, and above all, by the Catholic Church. Women see the Church as the main "enemy" of contraception. 25.7% named priests as people condemning contraception. 10% named neighbors in this respect. The Catholic Church's disapproval does not seem to influence women's views, even those declaring themselves to be religious.
A minimal percentage of women surveyed declared a lack of interest in contraception. Information about these methods comes both from traditional "sources", such as talks with neighbors, women colleagues (26.2%), as well as from medical professionals (28.1%). 38.1% learned about contraception from specialist publications and manuals.
More than 45% of surveyed women admitted getting their information from television and women's magazines.
Respondents listed the following as the most common methods of family planning:

• condoms (74.7%)
• oral contraception (74.2%)
• withdrawal (71.6%)
• rhythm method (62.4%)

The following methods were named most effective:

• the contraceptive pill (20.1%)
• o condom (13.9%).

Less trust, and rightly so, is put in the rhythm method (8.8%) and withdrawal (8.8%). These methods, the best known methods of protection from unwanted pregnancies, are not recommended methods of contraception.
The friendly attitude of women living in rural areas towards contraception is not necessarily connected with the high level of knowledge about sexual and reproductive health. One has to remember that only one in three women regularly see a gynecologist and only 5% of them see the doctor to discuss contraception. A doctor's opinion influenced the decision about the use of certain method of contraception for only 30% of women. This decision was more often influenced by discussions with a partner (42.4%). Rural women talk about contraception with their partners, doctors and nurses, and also women friends and other women. Almost 55% of respondents admitted talking to other women about contraception. A significant part of women taking part in the survey stated that the opinions of others did not influence their use of contraception (29.7% of respondents). Women are rarely approached by secular organizations (including women's organizations); they also rarely listen to advice from people connected with the church.
Most commonly used methods of contraception in rural areas are:

• withdrawal (35.6% of women admitted the use of this method during the last year)
• condom (35.1%)
• contraceptive pill (21.1%)
• the rhythm method (20.6% of respondents).

Condoms are mostly used by young women and by those, who have no children. The contraceptive pill is popular among women 25-34 years of age, whose monthly income exceeds 500 PLN per capita and among women, who have 3 or more children or who have no children at all. Withdrawal is used by those who do not have children, but also by those, who are older or worse off.
83% of women are satisfied with the method of contraception they chose and only 18.8% have had problems with its use.
The factors deciding the level of satisfaction are mostly:

• ease of the use (33.3%)
• conviction about the method's effectiveness (31.5%)
• the fact that it doesn't have side effects (25.5%)

In the above-mentioned results, the most striking fact is that those methods seen as most effective are not being used most often. The fact that women avoid chemical contraception is a result of it being expensive or less accessible than before. Women who have higher incomes choose the contraceptive pill. On the other hand, 70 % of respondents claimed that the accessibility of contraception improved significantly during last years.
The fact that women living in rural areas, despite their knowledge about mechanical and chemical methods and their effectiveness, still use traditional methods more often has, in our opinion, the following causes. First of all, a large number of women (46.2%) believe that none of the methods gives 100% certainty. Secondly, prejudices about side effects of contraception are still very common in rural society. One in three women stated that "the use of oral contraception leads to weight gain", almost 45% of them claimed that "this can lead to infertility", 37% claimed that the use of IUDs "increases the risk of uterine cancer".
There is a feeling of guilt connected with the use of contraception, probably strengthened by the Catholic Church's views. Almost 45% of women claimed that using contraception is acting against nature, while 46.2% of respondents saw giving birth to children as a women's obligation.
The Catholic Church's outlook seems to influence women's opinions, but not especially their actions, including the choices of methods of contraception. When choosing a method, almost none of the respondents took under consideration the opinions or advice of people connected with the Church. Women declaring themselves as religious use contraception equally often as those declaring themselves atheists or being undecided. Natural methods of family planning, such as the body temperature method or Billings' method (supported by the Church) are used only by 7% of respondents.

Which of given methods of protection from pregnancy did you use during this year?

1. withdrawal
2. method based on calendar
3. based on body temperature method
4. cervical secretion
5. condom
6. diaphragm
7. oral contraception
8. sterilisation
9. avoiding sexual contacts (due to avoiding pregnancy)
10. vaginal irrigation
11. abortion
12. none

For more than 50% of women living in rural areas, sexual life is connected with the fear of becoming pregnant. For some of them, the stress and fear of unwanted pregnancy is so high, that they would rather avoid sexual contact if possible.
While asked about general views on abortion, the respondents tend rather to support it as a possibility. More than half stated that women should have the right to an abortion. More than 60% shared the opinion that "restriction of the right to abortion is a violation of their right to self-determination".
At the same time, a vast majority of surveyed women stated that even unreliable forms of contraception are better than abortion. More than 50% of respondents stated that "abortion is murder".
Opinions on abortion tend to differ, when applied to the women's personal situations. The majority declared that in the case of becoming pregnant, they would give birth to a child. Among those almost 50% are certain and 34% have only slight doubts on this point. 90% of surveyed women would advice their daughters to have a child, even if the pregnancy was unwanted at the time.
Half of the women who took part in the survey agreed with the opinion that abortion is a murder. More than 60% of women stated that limitation of the right to abortion is a violation of the right to self-determination. 50% of women also agreed that if a woman decides to have an abortion during the first weeks of pregnancy, she should have the right to do so. These opinions may seem contrary, but this doesn't necessarily mean that they are. It seems that women strictly separate their own opinions on abortion from what the law should allow.
Asked about how they would advice their daughters in the situation of unwanted pregnancy, only slightly more than 1% would try to convince them to have an abortion. When asked about what they themselves would do in such a situation, 11.4% would probably decide not to have a child. Two respondents had an abortion the year this study took place. Based on these results, the estimated number of abortions undergone by women living in rural areas in 1999 was at least 90 000.
When asked if the law should regulate abortion, over 70% of respondents said it should not. Respondents stated that the decision about having children should be only made by parents (married couples); this opinion is shared by 41.4% of respondents. 27.6% felt that only the woman should make the decision. Women's answers to this question do not seem to be influenced by their approach towards religion. Almost 70% of respondents declaring themselves religious agreed that the law should not regulate abortion.
More than 40% of women stated that access to abortion was easy in Poland, while the rest of respondents stated that it was very difficult (50%), or that it seemed to be impossibleÊ(6.7%). The majority of surveyed women also stated that abortion is easier for women living in urban areas; only 2.5 % thought it was easier for women living in rural areas. Almost 40% claimed that location was not a decisive factor.
For 40% of respondents, the Poland's abortion law is too restrictive. Every fifth of them thinks that the law is exactly as it should be, while 8% stated the Act is too liberal. At the same time, women living in rural areas tend to have little knowledge about the law itself. A large part of respondents stated that abortion is not possible in any of the following cases. The answers to questions about the abortion law are presented in Table 3.

Table 3.
In which situations does the Polish law allow for the termination of pregnancy and in which it should allow for it?

When responding to these specific conditions for abortion, the women's acceptance was lower than in the general question. One in three women agreed that the law should allow for abortion in cases of pregnancies resulting from rape, 36% stated that there should be such a possibility in cases when a child could be disabled. 35% of women shared the opinion that law should allow for abortion in cases when the health or life of a woman is in danger because of the pregnancy. The law allows for abortion in these situations.
The approval of abortion in cases of difficult life circumstances is not much lower: 24% of respondents would like to see the possibility of abortion in cases of extramarital contacts and 21% when a woman is not married. Analyzing these results, one should turn attention to a high level of acceptance of a right of a woman to a free choice. Almost 30% agreed with the possibility of abortion in cases where a woman does not want to have more children. At the same time, almost 40% of surveyed women agreed that the family's financial situation or the fact that there are already many children in the family should be an indication for abortion (29.0% of respondents). One has to remember that current legal regulations forbid abortion on "social grounds", which include both above-mentioned situations. Women living in rural areas, who are personally aware of difficult living conditions, consider them to be one of the most important reasons for which abortion should be allowed by law.
Generally, women's attitudes towards abortion are far from being homogenous. On the general (ideological) level, women tend to support liberal views about abortion. In individual cases, when asked to decide the situations described in the questionnaire, the number of supporters of liberal abortion regulation decreases significantly. It seems that opinions about abortion are influenced by many factors and are not constant. One can suspect that these opinions could be modified through intensive social discussions. Different answers could be also inspired by personal experience related to unwanted pregnancies. There exists a tendency towards accepting termination of pregnancy, while at the same time viewing abortion as murder. Women, even generally allowing for abortion, would not have one if they got pregnant and would not advice this solution to their own daughters. It is possible that there is a conflict between one's own personal views condemning abortion and social norms, which should give women the right to self-determination.
It needs to be noted that many of the surveyed women did not answer questions about abortion at all, which indicates that this topic is a taboo. It can be suspected then that the real number of women accepting termination of pregnancy or of women having personal experiences in this matter, is much higher.

Table 4. What would you do in the situation of unwanted pregnancy?

1. I would definitely have this child
2. I would probably have this child
3. I would probably have an abortion
4. I would definitely have an abortion
5. (No data)

Respondents admit that sometimes they are asked about matters connected to abortion or contraception during confession. 13% of surveyed women admitted that they had been asked about abortion, 20% were asked about a method of contraception they use.
Part of respondents is also aware that the church condemns and criticizes both contraception and abortion. This information does not seem to influence the behavior of surveyed women or their opinions. Almost no respondents mentioned priests or other people connected with the church as the ones with whom they talk about contraception, sexual life or family planning. On the other hand, the Church's indirect impact on women's feeling of guilt in the area of sexuality and reproduction cannot be ignored.
The collected data proves that the Church plays a surprisingly limited role in the shaping of behavior and opinions of women living in rural areas. The vast majority of women, whose answers have been analyzed above, declared to be religious. All answers on contraception and family planning are mostly given by these self-declared religious women. Despite this, women do not necessarily obey the Church's teaching. This opinion is also supported by the fact that television and colorful magazines are being seen as a better source of information in matters of contraception than opinions or priests of others connected with the Church.

The ambivalent approach towards problems of reproductive health, family planning, sexual education and abortion may prove that despite the openness and the prevalence of common sense and pragmatism in many issues, there is a serious lack of information and education in these areas. It seems also that accessibility of family planning services is not satisfactory. On the one hand, sexual and reproductive health is not treated seriously, on the other, there is a visible lack of trust of women in institutions, which should be providing this information and securing the proper services. Contrary to the popular opinion, women living in rural areas are not greatly influenced by the Catholic Church in their behaviors. The Church's teaching influences, however, views, which women express.

Information about sexuality and reproduction, taken mostly from media and talks with relatives and colleagues, is only partial, random, general and frequently false. The population of women living in rural areas is characterized by visible differences in declared opinions and acknowledged norms and their own behaviors in terms of reproductive health.

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