THE ANTI-ABORTION LAW IN POLAND

THE FUNCTIONING, SOCIAL EFFECTS, ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIORS

THE REPORT - SEPTEMBER 2000

1. Index
2. Introduction - Wanda Nowicka
3. The Effects of The Anti-Abortion Act - Wanda Nowicka and Monika Tajak
4. Attitudes of The Medical Professionalists Towards Abortion The Report on Research of The Effects of The Family Planning, Protection of Human Fetus and Conditions for Termination of Pregnancy Act - Danuta Duch
5. Survey Conducted by The Federation Among Doctors, Nurses and Midwives on The Effects of The Anti-Abortion Act - Wanda Nowicka and Agata Zielińska
6. Attitudes of Rural Women Toward Reproduction Issues Report on The Survey Conducted by RUN - Magdalena Grabowska and Wanda Nowicka
7. Abortion and Values – The Research Report - Danuta Duch

Abortion and Values - The Research Report - Danuta Duch

The social interest in the abortion issue in our country is closely connected with the political debate on conditions for termination of pregnancy and the numerous changes in abortion regulations. In this situation, research focused mainly on the social attitudes towards legal regulations concerning abortion and towards abortion as such (see: CBOS, OBOP, Demoskop). Analyses of data collected during surveys go no deeper than just depicting differences in opinions on the issue. The political character of discussion on abortion did not favor conducting an in-depth analysis of people's awareness and attitudes towards abortion. The following article is not supported by a systematic and exhaustive analysis of human mentality. It is only an attempt to look at this very controversial issue from two perspectives: interest and values. They seem to be the most useful ones in explaining social judgments and opinions about the reality of life. The empirical basis for the analysis constitutes mostly of survey results, from 1989 and 1998 by the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Science.³⁸
The data presented in the article does not only show the level of popularity of certain societal opinions on abortion. It is far more important to look at the mutual connections of variables, their configurations; this is how the context of certain opinions can be determined. Two of the many possible areas seem to be most important: sexual life and the child.

The idea of interest is used by both sides of the political discourse on the issue of abortion. Both supporters and opponents of the restrictive anti-abortion law claim that the regulations will be favorable to women, that they will protect the group's interests. Both groups, however, see the interests of women completely differently.
The Act's supporters state that women, "according to their nature," want to give birth to children. They are often forced by their partners, families or other social environments to have abortions. After terminating the pregnancy, they suffer from post-abortion syndrome and feel guilty for the rest of their lives. The Act, which protects women from making such mistakes and saves them from remorse and social pressure, is in the best interest of women.
The opponents of legal restrictions on abortion argue that a liberal law is in the interest of women because every woman can unintentionally get pregnant. Deciding about unwanted pregnancy is a woman's right, because deciding about one's own life and one's own body is the right of every human being. Women also have the right to decide about abortion because it is they who are responsible for, and burdened by children and their up-bringing. Restricting a woman's right to chose causes problems such as: unwanted maternity, attempts at self-induced abortion, stress connected to either illegal abortion, or giving the child up for adoption.
This understanding of group interest is not mirrored in the opinions of Poles. In 1998, only 56.1% of women and 50.6% of men had seen "any problems concerning women, which women should undertake common social action to solve." 26.8% of surveyed women and 26.2% of men saw abortion as a problem requiring organized action. Even fewer respondents declared the will to take part in such actions: 15.3% of women, 12.4% of men. People taking a more liberal stance on abortion more often regarded it as a problem in need of social counteraction, and more often declared themselves ready to take part. The percentage of people interested in any action supporting abortion rights has to be recognized as very low.³⁹
Did the recent public discussion of abortion, which took place in the parliament, press, and television, offend women? "Yes" say women more often (57.0%) than men (49.4%). While assessing if women might have been offended, both sexes were unanimous. It was most often stated that abortion is a woman's private matter (31.4% of women and 30.0% of men out of those agreeing that the discussion was offensive), that decisions on this matter were imposed on women (22.6% and 20.2%) and that they were made by men (15.5% and 13.2%). The argument that the discussion on abortion was itself a violation of privacy was less common (12.3% and 9.8%), as was the argument that it excluded those whom it concerned, women themselves (9.1% and 9.1%). Men more often used the category of "limitation of women's rights" (5.6% of surveyed women and 7.0% of men), women, nevertheless, more often spoke of "being treated as objects" (respectively: 5.9% and 3.8%).⁴⁰
The conviction that the discussion on abortion was offensive and defining abortion in categories of women's group interest seem unrelated. However, both women and men, who agree that this discussion was offensive to women, statistically more often see abortion in the category of group interest. Most of them (more than 60%) do not think that women should undertake any common actions for the resolution of the problem of abortion.
The conception of interest is also used (explicite or implicite) by researchers when interpreting results of surveys. For example, the fact that older women have more restrictive views on abortion when pregnancy threatens the life of a woman, is connected, by researchers, to the fact that it is impossible to become pregnant at this age (72.8% of women aged 31-40 and only 32.7% aged 61-65 were decidedly pro-abortion in this instance. 3.6% of women aged 21-30. while 18.4% of the oldest ones were decidedly against abortion in these circumstances).
The lack of differences in opinions of men, depending on their marital status, education and having children could be linked in a similar fashion. Women's lives are convoluted with pregnancies, births and efforts to raise children; therefore their opinions on abortion are more differentiated depending on their situations. For example, women having two children are generally more liberal when it comes to abortion, than those with three or four children.
Not all differences in opinions on abortion can be easily explained by status or personal interest of those surveyed. For instance, why do men, more often than women, accept abortion in situations where pregnancy threatens the health or life of a woman or when it complicates her life plans? In these cases it is good to note the beliefs and value systems of those surveyed.

Before discussing values and norms, we would like to say a couple of words about human rights, which, created to protect individual interests from those of the state, remain tied to the group interests of women.
In a 1998 study by OBOP (Ośrodek Badania Opinii Publicznej, The Center for Research of Public Opinion), answers given to a question about human rights specifically recognized as women's rights showed that fewer than 1/3 of respondents were convinced that such rights actually exist. ⁴¹

In your opinion, are there any human rights, which are specific women's rights?

Among those who recognized human rights as women's rights, the majority were people with higher education, living in larger (but not the largest) cities, and professionally active. Respondents, who were convinced that specific women's rights existed, most often pointed at rights connected to the work place (24%), general equality of women and men (19%) and rights of women who are taking care of children: the right to benefits, maternity leaves (17%). Less frequently mentioned rights were: equality of men and women in the family (12%), the right of women to decide about having children (10%) and the right to abortion (10%).
Out of 31% of those convinced that human rights are violated in Poland in relation to women, only 16% stated that it concerns the right to abortion (3% of respondents with primary education, 23% with secondary education and 15% with higher education) and only 6% listed the right to have children in this category.

In conclusion, viewing abortion in the category of a group interest is not very popular. Only 26.8% of surveyed women and 26.2% of men saw abortion in this way.It is even less popular to view abortion as a woman's right and therefore a human right. If we consider that the right to decide about having children includes the right to abortion, then only 6.5% of those surveyed agree. This could be a result of different associations of "common matter" and "human rights." Human rights are seen as political issues, as "important" issues that do not include abortion. It is often described in a political debate as a substitute problem that detracts attention from "truly" important state affairs.
Data about such views has been gathered for years by CBOS (Centrum Badania Opinii Spolecznej - The Center for Research of Social Opinion).⁴²

In your opinion, abortion should be:

A more liberal version of statutory regulations is more often chosen by men than women, and by respondents aged 25-54, inhabitants of large cities, those unsatisfied with their financial situation, atheists, those rarely going to church, and declaring left-wing political orientation. Respondents with a university degree and representatives of management and intelligentsia are more often ready to accept compromise.⁴³
Researchers from CBOS stress that statements about abortion are influenced by their context; "talking about abortion in relation to women's rights, and not in relation to the general admissibility or ban on abortion, gives different results." In a 1997 study, only 14% of respondents were pro-abortion with no restrictions. As many as 35% definitely agreed that "a woman should have the right to an abortion during the first weeks of pregnancy" 30% stated that she should probably have this right. The view that a woman should have the right to an abortion during the first weeks of pregnancy was popular among those respondents, who were convinced that abortion should be allowed with some restrictions. 52% definitely agreed; 40% rather agreed. Among those who are against, but with exceptions, 45% (14% definitely; 31% rather). Even amongst those surveyed, who believe that abortion should be banned, every seventh respondent (14%; 3% definitely; 11% rather) agreed that a woman should have the right to an abortion during the first weeks of pregnancy.
Authors of the 1997 CBOS report think that these percentages are too large to have resulted from misunderstandings. Authors have drawn a hypothesis that respondents understood "exceptions" very widely. Thus, in their understanding, being in favor of the "total ban on abortion, but with exceptions" could encompass a woman's right to abortion during first weeks of pregnancy. The ambivalence of views could also be connected with ideological pressure, which makes people state publicly they are against abortion.
Among those, who claim that abortion should be allowed with certain restrictions, and those, who state it should banned but with certain exceptions, almost three-fourths are pro-abortion on social grounds. As many as 41% of respondents decidedly support such regulations, while 30% relatively support the "legal possibility of abortion on the basis of particularly difficult living conditions, financial situation or family situation of a pregnant woman." Among those, who supported a ban on abortion with certain exceptions, 48% would support abortion on social grounds (similar results were gathered in 1998).
Wide acceptance of abortion on social grounds can also be seen in the research conducted by Demoskop: 42% of respondents (39% of women and 46% of men) stated that "the Parliament should reject the adjudication of the Constitutional Tribunal⁴⁴ and allow for abortion in cases of difficult living situation of a mother."⁴⁵ In this same survey, 53% of respondents (55% of women and 50% of men) accepted the restrictive law, although, at the same time 69% (61% of women and 77% of men) claimed: "the list of legal conditions allowing for abortion should be longer".
Based on the data collected between 1991 and 1996, CBOS' researchers announced that neither public discussions nor the adjudication of the Constitutional Tribunal in the question of admissibility of abortion on social grounds, have significantly influenced the public opinion. "Some exceptions" which would be indicators for the lawful abortion are widely understood by respondents, who are in favor of the abortion ban.

A very important (sometimes more important than group or personal interest) factor defining human thinking is social norms and values. They relate to an ideal reality, to what is just and right. The basis for normative beliefs is the generalization of social experience, finding its expression in models, ideologies and social patterns. ⁴⁶ Discussing abortion in a country, where almost 90% of the population declare themselves religious, there is no way one can omit the Catholic Church's position in this discussion. The Church, in its social teachings, directly opposes abortion and describes it as an act of sin, as a murder of an unborn human being.
The Church's moral norms significantly influence the Poles' views on abortion. Both in 1989 and 1998 studies, religious status and place of inhabitance were the factors differentiating opinions. The authors of the CBOS report also stated that, "The factor most significantly differentiating respondents' opinions on abortion was their declared frequency of taking part in religious practices. The lower the participation, the higher the acceptance for abortion without restrictions or with certain restrictions: starting from 11% among those who take part in religious practices a couple of times a week up to 76% among those, who do not participate in these practices at all". ⁴⁷
In the 1989 study, believers, much more often than non-believers, were against abortion in all twelve presented scenarios, in which a woman wanted to terminate her pregnancy. There was also a significant prevalence of opponents amongst inhabitants of villages and small towns, where the church's influence is larger than in bigger towns and cities.
In 1998, respondents were asked two questions: one about being a member of the Church, and the other about religious practices. Among men, being a member of the Catholic Church, frequent religious practices and living in a village were significantly connected with lower acceptance for abortion in all the twelve situations. Among women, being a member of the Church itself did not influence views as much as the frequency of religious practices a and place of inhabitance (only in four situations women, who described themselves as members of the Catholic Church, were also more often against abortion).
As the measure of taking the teaching of church into consideration, one can take the view on the statement: "abortion is murder." In 1989, 57% of respondents shared this view, while 21.9% opposed. The belief that abortion is murder was shared by women more often than men (respectively 62.2% and 51.9%). It is also more popular among: people of relatively lower education (unfinished basic: 67.6%, as opposed to those with higher education: 47.8%), inhabitants of rural areas (villages: 65.5%, towns with 20.000--50.000 inhabitants: 47.8%) and, of course, among believers (strongly devout: 76.8%, atheists: 30.0%).
How was the conviction that abortion is a murder related to practice? Sexually active respondents, who use contraception, were asked about their decisions in the case of a contraception failure and occurrence of an unwanted pregnancy (Men were asked what they would advice to their partners). 6.4% of respondents were determined to terminate the pregnancy; 24.3% claimed that they would probably have an abortion, 34.2%, that they probably would not; 35.1% of respondents were definitely convinced that they would not have an abortion. In total, 64.9% of respondents would consider the possibility of terminating the abortion. It must be reiterated that this study was conducted when abortion was legal. In conclusion, at least one in two sexually active people did not exclude abortion in the case of an unplanned pregnancy.
Women were more categorical in their opinions than men. The former stated very strongly that they would not terminate the pregnancy or, on the other end of the spectrum, they were strongly convinced that they would undergo abortion. The larger the place of inhabitance, and less stringent the ties with religion, the more often one could hear the declaration that abortion would be performed. Most often, people from the youngest age group were determined to terminate (18-19 years of age). Among respondents aged 20-30 (an age bracket with one of the highest reproductive rates) the percentage of respondents who would decide for abortion, was the lowest. With age, we can observe a gradual increase of liberal views - a number of those who would decide for abortion grows.
Respondents, who saw abortion as murder, were less often determined to choose an abortion in a situation of unplanned pregnancy. 52.8% of this group was decided to not terminate a pregnancy. On the other hand, among respondents determined to have an abortion, almost every fourth person (22.5%) defined this act as murder.
When the thinking is dominated with moral categories, one is more likely to be in favor of restrictive legal regulations. A couple of days after the introduction of the restrictive anti-abortion law in 1993 the research conducted by Demoskop indicated that "the majority of respondents accepted the Act restricting a woman's right" to abortion. Only 4% would reject this Act in general." ⁴⁸ A large group of respondents supported a liberalization of the Act, but their statements "were not an absolute revolt against restrictions, because there must be some norms." Moreover, the respondents did not consider it relevant that the introduction of the Act "will not change much," as, in their view, there will be ways out of the problem of an unwanted pregnancy.

Despite the present more restrictive regulations on abortion and despite the large-scale anti-abortion campaign organized by the Catholic Church, the attitude of respondents in the Polish society (pre-dominantly Catholic) towards circumstances in which, in their opinion, a woman can terminate a pregnancy, is more liberal in the last years (comparing to the end of the 80s).
Circumstances in which a woman should have the right to an abortion: comparative table 1989 - 1998 (statements made by respondents in the age group of 18 - 49 years).

In both 1989 and 1998 studies there were 10 situations presented to the respondents. Afterwards, the respondents were asked to say whether, in any of these situation, in their view, a woman should have a right to abortion. A comparison of responses from respondents aged 18-49 shows that the attitude of the Polish society towards abortion is more liberal today than it was 10 years ago. In seven out of ten situations, a larger percentage of respondents saw the given circumstance as definitely justifying an abortion.
The liberalization of attitudes in the Polish society is evidenced not only by the larger acceptance of abortion, but also by a smaller opposition to it. Only in one situation: when a woman does not want to give birth to a child, irrespective of reasons for it, did respondents from 1998 more often than 10 years ago thought she should not have the right.
The theory that a more liberal attitude towards abortion should translate to a larger acceptance of liberal regulations on abortion seems to be questionable. In our opinion, one has to assume that in the sphere of moral judgments (these are connected to assessment of situations in which a woman should have the possibility of termination of pregnancy) and in the sphere of legal responses, "incommensurable scales of values" are being used. This is a theory introduced by Professor Ossowski. Writing about scales of values, he stated that they are incommensurable when each of the two scales "requires completely different psychological attitudes", and "attitudes, which allow us to care about values of one scale, does not allow to care for the other scale, and vice versa". ⁴⁹ In case of hereby-analyzed attitudes towards abortion and abortion rights, there exists exactly such an incompatibility, which is not recognized by everybody. This would explain the numerous inconsistencies in statements made by respondents.
Although the majority of respondents would state that abortion is immoral, they, nevertheless, specify numerous situations, in which this act would be justified. It results from considering unfavorable consequences of giving birth for both a woman and child in the case of an unwanted pregnancy. These consequences are also subject to moral assessment. In the last 10 years, only when a woman really "doesn't want to have a child, regardless of reasons", the full acceptance of abortion decreased, and simultaneously the disapproval of abortion rose. Having an abortion, committing an immoral act, needs to be justified. Society accepts abortion more, but only when a strong evidence is given that this solution is necessary. This interpretation is in accordance with the CBOS study results. In this study a decrease of a number of people who support abortion on demand has been observed.
The data presented in a table above also shows that opinions about abortion do not translate into the conviction about the right to abortion. The presumption is that the three situations in which there is, at present, a possibility of lawful termination of pregnancy (threat to the health or life of a mother, physical development or genetic defects, and pregnancy resulting from rape) would be treated differently than the so-called "social grounds". ⁵⁰ It is interesting to point out that abortion in the case of an existing threat to the life of a mother and, even more so, in the case of a child's development defects, lost on unconditional acceptance. At the same time, more acceptance and less disapproval can be observed in all other situations, which are defined as the social grounds for abortion.
In five situations presented in the research, women have statistically relevant different opinions from men. Women, less often than men, are decidedly pro abortion in the situation of pregnancy endangering the life or health of a woman (definitely pro: 61.2% of women and 65.3% of men; definitely against: 5.9% of women and 2.6% of men); when a mother is a minor (pro: 16.5% of women and 19.3% of men, against: 25.4% and 18.4%) and when the pregnancy complicates the life plans of a woman (pro: 8.4% of women and 9.7% of men; against: 37.0% and 31.1%). Women were more often decidedly pro abortion in only two situations. These were: difficult financial or social situations (pro: 21.4% of women and 18.7% of men; against: 23.5% of women and 17.6% of men) and when the family already has several children (pro: 12.3% of women and 11.5% of men; against: 31.3% and 24.1%).
An interpretation of differences between sexes in their respective responses is given by the qualitative research. ⁵¹ For men, public life is very important, and they consider abortion from this perspective. Abortion is treated as a private matter (very often as exclusively a woman's problem), and is not very important in the public sphere of life. According to men, the law should either not regulate the question of abortion at all, or should set regulations which respect the right of every human being to self-determination (therefore they show larger acceptance for abortion in a life or health-threatening situation and when the pregnancy presents obstacle to the woman's career, and when a woman is a minor or when the pregnancy complicates life plans). In other cases, men treat abortion as a public issue; they call upon social morality, upon the need for legal protection of life, which should be considered as the nation's good. A child, which is the key value for a woman, is absent in a man's view on abortion.
Women talk about abortion using the existentialist categories, because a control over fertility, a control of births and child-raising is usually their burden. A child, and its well being, is the central issue for women; they criticize irresponsible mothers. Women should give birth to children only when they are able to provide them with proper living conditions (therefore they are more willing to accept abortion because of hard living conditions and when there are already children in a family). Abortion is immoral, but from a woman's point of view, it is also immoral to doom children to degrading living conditions. Preventing pregnancy is of a key importance for women.
Women in a slightly older age group (30 - 45 years) clearly separated these moral judgments on abortion from opinions on the desired legal resolutions. In other words, they were aware of the incompatibility of scales of values, used by them when assessing the abortion and the law. In their opinion, the introduction of the anti-abortion regulations did not take away the right to abortion, because it can be easily obtained illegally. However, in their view, restrictive regulations took away their freedom of decision, questioned their subjectivity and violated their dignity and humanity.
Among young women (up to 25 years of age) this difference is not as clear. Very often, not only abortion itself, but also the right to abortion, is considered using moral categories.

In order to make further presentation of data collected in the 1998 study easier, we will use a summary index of respondents' general attitudes towards abortion. This index is calculated as the number of answers to all questions divided by the number of questions. The lower the index value, the larger the acceptance for abortion. The higher the index value, the larger the disapproval.
Women generally show more disapproval towards abortion than men (factor for women = 3.0; factor for men = 2.87) and their attitudes are more differentiated.
Age is not a factor that differentiated attitudes in a statistically relevant way, nevertheless it is worth mentioning that the most rigorous attitudes can be observed in respondents aged 61-64 (3.40), and among the youngest women: 18-20 (3.18). The most liberal attitudes were among women in their thirties and forties.
Education (but only in women) and place of inhabitance have a significant impact on attitudes towards abortion. Women living in cities (2.27) are more liberal than inhabitants of rural areas (3.24). Women with higher education (2.72) are more liberal than those with lower education (vocational training - 3.03).
Marital status is a factor influencing only women's views. Women who are married (2.98) or divorced (2.73) are more liberal than widows (3.35) and single women (3.07).
It can be proven, based on the collected data, that the attitude towards abortion is different in different groups (specifically in women), and that this attitude is linked to certain values and beliefs related to opinions on family life and having children.
A more rigorous attitude towards abortion among women is connected to the preference for a more traditional family and gender roles. Women who saw themselves in the roles of mothers and wives, who agreed on the traditional division of family roles (a husband works and a wife takes care of the home), who believe that children should be obedient and show respect to older people, and who do not approve of planned childlessness of married couples, but think that children should be born right after the wedding - such women show more rigorous attitudes towards abortion.
A liberal approach towards abortion is characteristic of women who see themselves as professionally active and think the partner model of the family is better. The liberal attitude is accompanied also by a conviction that married partners should have time to be with each other after the wedding, before children are born, and that children should have partner relationships with their parents. Women, whose approach towards a question of abortion is more liberal, also give their partners the right to planned childlessness.
Women's attitudes towards abortion are also related to preferred general values. Women, who value highly having an interesting and satisfying job, knowledge, education and place less value on having children and friends are more liberal when it comes to abortion.
In men, the attitude towards abortion is not connected with the preference for a certain model of a marriage (division of roles, decision when a child should be born) and upbringing of children, nor is it connected with preferences about roles of women. More liberalism is connected only with larger acceptance for married couples deciding not to have children. In the sphere of general values, it is connected to setting a high value of "using life".
Attitudes towards abortion are also linked to other values. Below, we refer to two of them. These were chosen because of their existential connection to pregnancy and abortion. These are: children and sexual life.

Having and raising children is very important for Poles. In a study examining systems of values, it ranked second, right after a satisfying marital and personal life. 70.6% of respondents claimed that children are either the most or a very important part of their lives. For the Polish society of late 1990's, children were more important than good living conditions, which in the 70's and 80's, ranked second.
Recognizing children as very important is common, irrespective of the place of inhabitancy, education, professional activity, and income. Women placed more importance on having children; they declared having children as the most important thing in life two times as often as men. Older respondents, married people and those, who already have children, also saw it as very important.
In male respondents, the value of children is connected to an emotional approach towards them. ⁵² The higher a child is in the hierarchy of declared general values, the more pleasure it gives and the more it is wanted. As such, a child is seen as a value and the indicator of a value ascribed to a child is higher.
In female respondents, a child's value does not translate into emotions connected with the child. A child is referred to as a source of positive feelings and emotions, irrespective of whether it is recognized as the most important (0.75) or least important (0.70) matter in their lives.
What is the connection between abortion and a child's perceived value measured by the level of positive emotions connected with a child? The answer to this question is not clear. It is not true that the more a respondent is opposed to abortion, the higher is the value of children to her or him. Here are some examples.
In 1979, respondents were asked what to advise a young, single woman who got pregnant. ⁵³ Respondents, who thought that the woman should give birth to the child and try to be a good mother, also valued children highly. Respondents, who claimed that the woman should terminate the pregnancy, valued children less. However, the lowest value was attached to children by those, who supported giving the child away for adoption.
In 1989, respondents who were sexually active were asked about their decisions in a situation of an unplanned pregnancy. People determined to have a child showed the highest level of positive emotions towards children. Nevertheless, people opting for abortion also saw a child as a source of high positive emotions. These emotions were definitely more intensive than in those, who were undecided about what to do.
In the 1998 research, respondents were asked if in 10 presented situations, a woman should have the possibility of abortion. Among men, only two situations showed that attitudes towards abortion were connected in a statistically relevant way with an emotional approach towards a child: when a family already had children, and difficult living conditions. In these situations, the more respondents were opposed to abortion, the higher they valued children.
These same connections were observed in women in relation to a situation where the family already had children, and when a pregnancy complicated the woman's future plans. A pregnant woman's older age was the third situation, in which the attitudes towards abortion were accompanied by the emotional approach towards a child. In this case, women being definitely pro abortion and definitely against it, valued a child higher than those undecided.
The weak connection between the attitude towards abortion and the value ascribed to a child is also evidenced by the fact that in women of 20, 30 and 50+ years of age, the attitude towards abortion did not influence their approach towards a child. Among youngest women, a child was valued higher by those who were definitely against abortion and those, who were rather pro abortion in a situation when a woman is older. Among women in their forties, four situations were differentiating; in a group of women of older age (60-65 years) - three. It is interesting that, in particular, among the oldest female respondents, those who were definitely in favor of terminating pregnancy when a woman is older or when a child might have defects, were ascribing more positive emotions towards a child than those who were definitely against abortion. Opponents of abortion in the situation where a pregnancy threatens a life of a woman seemed to ascribe a higher value to a child. However, the difference in the value measurement between them and those, who supported abortion in such a case, was not significant. In all the three situations women, who were undecided, valued a child less than those, who were decided on the question of abortion.
A measurement using semantic differential of the level of positive emotions connected with a child allows for an in-depth look in the feelings of respondents and a recognition of the emotional components of attitudes, conscience, and values. The approach towards abortion does not show strong relations with a value of a child, measured in this way. In women, who are 20, 30 and 50+ years of age, no co-relations were noticed between a value of a child and attitudes towards abortion. In other age groups, if the differences appeared at all, they were not highly relevant. In such a case, the theory that attitudes of those against abortion are influenced by their ascribing a high value to children seems to be doubtful.

Values ascribed to sexual life are also interesting in the context of abortion.
Data shown in the following charts illustrates the change of attitudes in the Polish society towards sexual activity among young people. There is a growing acceptance of sexual activity in young people, especially concerning the activity of girls. In the 90s, despite the growing influence of the Catholic Church, the process of liberalization of social norms took place. In comparison to the late 80s, 13.1% more respondents now see sexual contacts of young women as completely natural. In case of boys, this increase is lower at 4.5%.

The acceptance of sexual activities before marriage

However, in the last decade, there has been a notable increase in the number of people who are against sexual freedom. Although, the absolute ban on sexual activity before marriage for girls was supported by 1.6% more respondents, for boys, this increase was significantly larger (7.1%).
In the end of the 90s, 80% of respondents supported equal treatment of genders in the sphere of sexual life. At the moment, 90.5% of men and 90.6% of women had a similar approach to the sexual activity of girls and boys. Among people who treat both sexes equally, men much more often supported full freedom in sexual behavior for boys and girls (53.5% and 45.4%); women more often chose abstinence until marriage (25.6% and 21.0%).
Pre-marital sexual activity for girls and boys was more often seen as natural (both in a group of women and men) among younger people, with relatively higher education, living in urban areas, single (unmarried, divorced), and having fewer children. Both groups of respondents (women and men) - either supporting sexual freedom or those opposed to it did not differ in their approach towards a child. They treated the child as a source of positive emotional experiences to the same degree.
This common acceptance of pre-marital sexual activity was connected with a relatively high level of acceptance of the "introduction of sexual education, where problems of sexual life, contraception and pregnancy would be discussed, to be taught in the last years of primary school." 73.3% of respondents were pro; 19.9% were against; 7.2% were undecided.
Men supported the introduction of the sexual education more often than women (76.6% of men; 69.6% of women). Every fourth woman (25.2%) and every seventh man (14.3%) opposed sexual education. The difference in opinions about sexual education in schools was almost identical to attitudes towards sexual activity of young people. Younger respondents with relatively higher education and fewer children supported sexual education in schools (both men and women). At the same time, opinions about the introduction of sexual education in schools were not driven by an approach to a child in an emotional sphere.
There is a very strong connection between opinions on pre-marital sexual activity and on the introduction of the sexual education as a part of schools' curriculum. Among women and men seeing a sexual life of young people as something completely natural, more than 90% supported the introduction of sexual education. A much lower level of acceptance can be observed among those stating that pre-marital sexual activities should not take place. Among women, who were against sex among youth, as many as 60% were against sexual education, among men of this same opinion, only 30%. It is hard to explain such large differences in opinions about sexual education among women and men who were against sexual activity of youth. It would seem that it is women who should be specifically interested in the sexual education of young people. But this is not the case here.
The differences in answers concerning sexual activity of youth and sexual education, as well as, the strong connection between opinions on these two issues show that sexual life is still a taboo in some social groups and that when it is discussed, it is mainly in reference to moral categories. Believing that if young people know nothing about sexual life they will not be sexually active can easily be seen as wishful thinking.
In both sexes, the attitude towards abortion is strongly connected with the approach towards sexual activity: attitude towards pre-marital sexual activity in young people or opinion about the introduction of sexual education in schools. It is also closely related with a position on who should make a final decision about reproduction (high index of correlation between these variables). Women, who are against sexual activity of girls and boys, have more categorical opinions on abortion than those, who think that having sexual relationships before marriage is absolutely natural. Similarly, women, who are against sexual education are more categorical than those supporting it. This configuration of results suggests that people (the same strong differences were observed among men) against abortion are characterized by a negative approach towards sexual life in general. Sexual life, as not being a distinctive positive value, is rejected by those people in general. It is perceived as a taboo regulated by social norms, not to be a topic for discussion, education or reflection.
The results collected by CBOS in 1998 also indicated strong relationship between opinions about legal regulations on abortion and views on ways and forms of passing on knowledge about sexual life to young people..⁵⁴ The more restrictive the respondents' attitude towards abortion, the more often they think that the responsibility for children's sexual education lies in their parents and that there is no need for sexual education in schools (44% of respondents supporting the absolute ban on abortion believe that sexual education in schools is not necessary).

The public debate taking place in Poland concerning the introduction of the Anti-Abortion Act, showed the diversity of opinions in this matter. The most interesting were extreme attitudes: of absolute acceptance and of absolute rejection.
Among the respondents surveyed in a 1989 study, 4.1% stated that they were definitely against abortion in all situations described in the study. People representing an extremely conservative approach towards abortion were not a distinctive group with regard to sex, age, education, place of inhabitance, not even by the number of children they had as compared to other respondents. The only variable differentiating them from the rest was their religious beliefs. Among those decidedly against abortion, there were more believers regularly taking part in religious practices.
People strongly opposed to abortion did not differ from others when it comes to the value which is ascribed to a child, or partner. They did, however, place significantly less value on sexual life (values were defined with the use of semantic differential, measuring the level of positive emotions, warm feelings connected to a child, a partner or sexual life).
Negative feelings towards sexual life were connected with a more frequent expression of a willingness to stop being sexually active, while, at the same time, supporting the statement that sexual activity is an obligation for both husband and wife. These respondents also recognized having children as an obligation. They used modern contraception less often, even if they perceived abortion as a murder. More often than other respondents, they disagreed with the view that it is better to use contraception than to have an abortion. They believed that family planning was inappropriate in general, or accepted only natural methods of birth-control. They expressed their contempt for modern contraception, more often accepting the view that it is contrary to nature, leads to licentiousness and deprives love of spontaneity. They often expressed the opinion that the goal of sexual intercourse was procreation and not a pleasure and strengthening ties with a partner. These views mirror the dissonance caused by Church's teachings on sex.
In 1998, 30 respondents stated they were definitely against abortion (2.7% of respondents), of whom, 2/3 were women. 48 people were definitely pro abortion (4.5% of respondents), the majority of whom were men.

Determined supporters and opponents to the right to abortion (% of respondents, 1998)

People on the two ends of a spectrum constitute distinct groups with regard to age and place of inhabitance. Conservative views were characteristic of older respondents and those living in rural areas.
Except for the above, we did not see any differences between people who were definitely pro and definitely against abortion as far as their: marital status, education, number of children, emotional approach to a partner, even in approach towards children (expressed through statements that a child is an important part of life, as well as in the level of positive emotions towards children) is concerned.
The groups of strong supporters and opponents of abortion were significantly different in their attitude towards sexual activity of young people, sexual education in schools, and a woman's right to make the final decision concerning pregnancy. Among extreme liberals, 88.9% supported the introduction of sexual education in schools, among extremely conservative respondents, 48.0%; pre-marital sex was natural for 66.7% and 68.9% of liberals and only for 21.4% of conservatives (both in case of boys and girls); the view that the final decision concerning pregnancy should be made by women was supported by 70.5% of liberals and by 26.9% of those representing a more conservative approach.
The distinction of groups with extreme views on abortion allowed for a clear presentation of previously recognized connections. Results presented above confirm the hypothesis that views on abortion are very clearly connected to views on sex, and are minimally connected to views about children.

Women and men strongly against allowing women to make the final decision about abortion in a situation, where a father opposes it, generally have more conservative views on abortion than those supporting the right of a woman's right to decide.
In both sexes, the refusal of the right of a woman to a final decision in reproductive matters is accompanied by a negative approach towards pre-marital sexual activity of young people and sexual education in schools. Views on a role of a woman (a mother and wife only, or a professional career combined with family life), the preferred model of child-raising (giving a child a lot or less freedom), the importance placed on children and personal life, and the level of positive emotions towards children and a partner are all irrelevant with regard to a right of a woman to make a final decision about her pregnancy. It confirms the previously made assumption that sexual life is treated autonomously and that the attitude towards sexual life is essential for social views on abortion and reproductive rights and constitutes them more than any other matter.
We have noted a similar lack of dependencies in men. The fact that they give a woman the right to a final decision on abortion even if they are opposed to it themselves is not connected with their views on women's roles, child-raising, importance of a satisfactory private life, and level of positive emotions towards children and partners. The only notable difference between men and women in this respect is a relation that men, who place more value on having and upbringing children, are less willing to leave the final decision about a pregnancy exclusively to a woman.

Reflections on attitudes towards abortion, based on the empirical data collected in a quantitative study, are impeded by the fact that declared views and opinions are strongly dependent on the context, in which questions are asked, and on the exact letter and semantics of the questions themselves. All these factors invoke a particular way of thinking about abortion: either in moral categories or in relation to the law; either in the aspect of women's rights or from a perspective of the reality of women's lives - their individual and group interest. A Comparison of quantitative data could be made only if questions were exactly uniform.
Irrespective of differences in numbers which showed in the research using different methods, results concerning differences in assessments and opinions are similar. This allows for formulating some general conclusions.
First of all: attitudes towards abortion are shaped more by the system of values and normative beliefs than by thinking in categories of group interest. The prevalence of this perspective leads to discussing abortion mainly in moral categories, and allowing the moral perspective to dominate opinions about legal issues. Taking the group interest perspective (abortion rights, or women's rights as human rights) is incompatible with moral opinions. This means that it requires a complete change in assessment of abortion and calling upon a different type of values. Based on results, it is obvious that this point of view is definitely less popular.
Second of all: It is assumed that for opponents of abortion, a child and its right to life is a value, and that the supporters of abortion value the subjectivity of a woman, her right to make decisions about herself and the right to make free decisions concerning reproduction. This is, no doubt, a very simplified interpretation, which ignores the fact that most people do not have extreme opinions about abortion. Respondents usually claim that in some situations a woman should have the right to abortion, and in some she should not. When accepting the above-simplified interpretation concerning values constituting a basis for views on abortion, we have to recognize that the character of these values depends on context. For example, when a pregnancy complicates a woman's life plans, a respondent values higher the child and its right to life. At the same time, when the situation discussed concerns difficult living conditions, the same respondent may value higher the right of a woman to decide about herself.
The above-mentioned assumption should be treated as a recognition (even if not fully acknowledged) of the existence of different, incompatible perspectives in thinking about abortion, behind which there are wholly different value systems. This same person, depending on the situation, has different systems of thinking: once thinking about abortion in categories of morality, and then in categories of women's rights, or taking only one point of view.
Third of all: Of all values involving views on abortion, we chose two: one connected with having a child, and one connected with sexual life. Based on the analysis, we can state that views on abortion are clearly connected with views on sex, and, on a smaller scale, on children. People decidedly against abortion display negative attitudes towards sexual life in general. These respondents reject sex life in general; it constitutes a taboo, which is regulated by social norms, not being a subject for discussion, education or reflection. Women's reproductive rights, including a woman's right to make the final decision about having an abortion, are not being noticed from this perspective.
The co-relation between the attitude towards abortion and approach to sexual life is not coincidental. In relation to both abortion and sexual activity, there are moral norms propagated by the Church. They stem from the Church's long-lasting general negative attitude towards human sexuality, described in works of Ute Ranke-Heinemann as sexual pessimism. ⁵⁵ Children and the level of positive emotions connected to them, stay outside the norms. This is why we observe such a weak connection between attitude towards a child and an approach to sexual life, as well as to abortion. We can only speak in general terms about a very weak tendency of a higher level of positive emotions in relation to a child among respondents who are against abortion. In some cases, however, acceptance of abortion correlates with the higher perceived value of a child. This is confirmed by qualitative research conducted among women. Women, who value children highly, feel obliged to secure the best possible conditions for their development. Thus, the care for the well-being of their children makes them propose that it is not a ban on abortion, which is necessary, but a ban on giving birth by irresponsible women.
The results also provide material for wider reflection about moral systems of the Polish society. Despite the fact that a vast majority of our citizens declare themselves staunch believers, it is not common for them to take the Church's teachings with no criticism. The Church's dogmatic position, stating that there are no justifiable reasons for abortion, was shared by 4.1% of respondents in 1989 and only by 2.0% of respondents 18-50 years of age in 1998. In vast majority, Poles' attitudes towards abortion relate to their moral views. Nevertheless, their morality is far from the "code morality", where a moral assessment of an act would depend only on its abidance to the norm. Their evaluation of abortion is dependent upon a particular situation. This is close to "reflective morality" in which, not the act itself but its causes and effects are being assessed.

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